Another school year . . .

At seventy-five I am still teaching school. My mind still works. I’ve not lost the ability to talk to young people, and I enjoy their company. The enterprise helps to keep me alive; and so I’ve begun another year in the classroom. I could recall a host of good memories, but today I’m thinking about another, one that’s not so good.

I recall hearing an education prof (who should have known better) make the following claim in a lunchtime conversation years ago: ‘There’s no such thing as a good teacher. If a teacher does a good job, it’s because an administrator made her a good teacher.’ Even bracketing the sexism, it’s hard to take such a claim seriously.

But the Chicago public school system, with the tacit support of the Obama administration, has already put into effect a clumsy—some would say mindless—system of teacher evaluation designed to deprofessionalize Chicago teachers and subject them to a Taylorist efficiency scheme in which their performance in their jobs is to be disproportionateloy evaluated on the basis of “student performance” (i.e. according to their students’ scores on standardized tests).

The problems with these tests are many, even with regard to college admissions, and the present use to which they are being put as more and more school systems are being subjected to neoliberal programs of “reform,” is unconscionable. Now the Chicago teachers have struck in the attempt to preserve what professional dignity they have left, as Mayor Rahm Emanuel attempts to use the standardized testing canard to deprofessionalize them still further.

I have been a school teacher for fifty years. Though most of my experience has been as a teacher in colleges and universities, I have also taught in elementary and secondary schools and community colleges. In my time I have seen much good teaching, and I have also seen bad. After fifty years I remain convinced that the only civilized way to establish and maintain standards in the teaching profession is through peer review. Peer review has its problems; it is sometimes self-interested and idiosyncratic, but it is a damn sight better than the sort of administrative dictatorship we are seeing in Chicago. And the irony is that many liberals, who ought to know better, support mindless, top-down management schemes in the public schools

We live in a time when workers of all sorts are being subjected to deprofessionalizing, indeed to dehumanizing “oversight and dumb operant-conditioning gimmickry sold to organizations by snake-oil consultancies,” as my friend Tim Burke has put it, as well as to demands for more and more economic concessions from workers. One consequence of this trend is that the wages and benefits of teachers and other public workers are now sometimes better than those in the private sector; and this has given rise to another canard. No less a pundit than David Brooks claimed just days ago that paying teachers’ salaries and benefits “is becoming a burden that [the private economy] can no longer carry,” having conveniently forgotten that teachers pay taxes like everyone else. Unscrupulous politicians like Scott Walker and careless pundits like Brooks are urging us to believe that support for public workers amounts to support for unearned privilege and excess.

It simply isn’t so. Teachers work hard, often against unspeakable odds and in terrible working conditions. More often than not they buy needed school supplies out of their own pockets. Many are denied Social Security and forced into substandard health care programs. It is true that some teachers still work only nine months of the year, but that is no longer the norm; moreover, a substantial part of the complex of reasons that teachers are on the defensive in today’s anti-union, anti-worker environment is that people dislike teachers. This point has been made forcefully by Corey Robin in a recent blog.

I remember being bullied on the school grounds, and teachers who encouraged the bullying. I remember teachers who were martinets or, worse yet, were bullies themselves; and I remember corporal punishment. I was a kid who loved school from the first grade (I missed kindergarten because of a series of accidents), but I hated junior high school because a crowd of thugs who were being kept in junior high until they were sixteen were allowed to terrorize bookish boys. If I had not been sent to high school in the ninth grade where I found myself back in the midst of civilization, the entire course of my life might have been different.

Still, much antipathy towards teachers would be better directed at schools themselves, towards the role schools play in the socialization of children. There’s an old teacher joke about a kid who flunked “standing in line.” School is where we learn to conform, sometimes to vicious regimes of bahavior. But Robin’s argument is that teachers are disliked because they are public servants and as such do not participate in the suburban “meritocracy.”

“Those who can’t do, teach” goes the old saw. But where that traditionally bespoke a suspicion of fancy ideas that didn’t produce anything concrete, in my fancy suburb, it meant something else. Teachers had opted out of the capitalist game; they weren’t in this world for money. There could be only one reason for that: they were losers. They were dimwitted, unambitious, complacent, unimaginative,
and risk-averse. . . . No one, we were sure, became a teacher because she loved history or literature and wanted to pass that on to the next generation. All of them simply had no other choice. How did we know that? Because they weren’t lawyers or doctors or “businessmen”—one of those words, even in the post-Madmen era, still spoken with veneration and awe.

There’s a good deal to be said for Robin’s argument, though I think it’s too simple. But there are a couple of other arguments, each also too simple in itself, that I believe have strong explanatory power with respect to where we are as a nation with regard to public education. First, when we abolished segregated schools we retained a system of funding based on local property taxes that has continued the disproportionate allocation of resources to affluent, suburban schools and left inner city schools impoverished.

Even within city school systems, resources flow disproportionately to schools that serve affluent, mostly white students and their parents. I live a couple of blocks from Roosevelt High School in St. Louis, once one of the finest public high schools in the nation, now a dump. Roosevelt is being starved for resources. But worse still, Roosevelt is the one school in the city which is not a magnet school, and the consequence is that its student population is disproportionately made up of young people who will never graduate.

Second, the end of segregated public schools ushered in an era which has seen a massive incursion of political demagoguery into public school affairs at almost every level. Ten years ago the St. Louis city school board was so polarized that city schools were in disarray. The system was full of serious corruption and fiduciary malfeasance. The schools ultimately lost accreditation and remain unaccredited. They were taken over by the state some years ago and are slowly improving.

But in the interim Mayor Francis Slay devised a scheme to rig a school board election and install a group of his cronies as members. This cabal hired a turnaround firm to run the St. Louis schools, an action that led directly to their loss of accreditation. People got wise and threw the mayor’s cronies off the school board. But tremendous damage had been done. It is an open secret that the St. Louis Mayor’s office promotes the creation of for-profit charter schools, despite the abysmal record of corruption and miseducation those schools have in this city.

Power hungry mayors like Rahm Emanuel, Francis Slay, and yes Michael Bloomberg, have no business running public school systems.

It’s not just about Darwin

We’re back from vacation and facing the consequences of the August 7th primary election. Missouri doesn’t allow early voting, but we voted absentee on July 23rd because we anticipated being in Wisconsin on election day. Among other votes I cast a vote against a Missouri ballot initiative hyped as the “prayer amendment” and am disappointed that it passed by an overwhelming margin.

Among those who voted for the amendment was Senator Claire McCaskill, who has attempted to deflect criticism of her vote by claiming that the amendment merely affirms what is already in the state constitution, cavalierly saying she is all for prayer and adding:

I hope everyone is praying for me, I’m going to need a lot of prayers between now and November. I’m not kidding.

McCaskill faces a popular conservative opponent in the general election, and she may need more than prayers if she is to survive that test of her popularity; but I very much wish she had not voted for this ballot initiative, which read as follows:

Shall the Missouri Constitution be amended to ensure:
• That the right of Missouri citizens to express their religious beliefs shall not be infringed;
• That school children have the right to pray and acknowledge God voluntarily in their schools; and
• That all public schools shall display the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution

I wrote about this proposition in a recent post. It is (I think, intentionally) broad and vague. And I’m sure there will be orchestrated attempts in the Missouri public schools to establish religious exemptions from standard school assignments. Initially, I thought this amendment was just about Darwin, but I fear I was wrong. Here’s some language from the platform of the Texas Republican Party that explains why:

We oppose the teaching of Higher Order Thinking Skills (HOTS) (values clarification), critical thinking skills and similar programs that are simply a relabeling of Outcome-Based Education (OBE) (mastery learning) which focus on behavior modification and have the purpose of challenging the student’s fixed beliefs and undermining parental authority.

Years ago I attended a service club meeting where the speaker talked about the controversy that eventuated in Wisconsin v. Yoder, the United states Supreme Court Decision that allowed Amish children to finish their education at the eighth grade.

I had attended this service club meeting with a friend who was also my priest at the time. I said to him, “Why don’t we just let these harmless people do as they wish?” His answer surprised me. He said, “It depends on who you think is the citizen.” The cognitive dissonance between my question and my priest’s answer informs my thinking about matters of this sort to this day. The Amish won their case, as I then thought they should have done, but my thinking has changed. Back in the early nineteen seventies I wasn’t paying sufficient attention to what I have termed public reason in a recent post.

My thinking then was something like this: the Amish do no harm (at that time I had no idea how much good Anabapbists, Amish and Mennonites, do; I just thought of them as benign), and since they do no harm, why must we seek to control how they educate their chiildren? My priest had brought me up short by reminding me that all children in the United States of America have a certain birthright, which one could claim is the right to be educated for citizenship, as human individuals; and that this right supersedes all claims on their attention made by merely cultural factors, religion, parental authority, loyalty to a social class or ethnic group, etc. It’s the rock-bottom claim of American public education—that the truth will make you free. Additionally, this is the fundamental assumption of Brown v. Board of Education, that all children, equally, have an entitlement to learn. Justice Douglas made this point as part of his dissenting opinion in Wisconsin v. Yoder:

While the parents, absent dissent, normally speak for the entire family, the education of the child is a matter on which the child will often have decided views. He may want to be a pianist or an astronaut or an oceanographer. To do so he will have to break from the Amish tradition.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
It is the future of the students, not the future of the parents, that is imperiled by today’s decision. If a parent keeps his child out of school beyond the grade school, then the child will be forever barred from entry into the new and amazing world of diversity that we have today.

Unfortunately, we have extended (and still extend) this entitlement rather crudely, by generally requiring that all children attend school until the age of 16, and more recently with laws requiring bussing and other measures designed to promote equality of access. Still more recently we have added a crude (some would say mindless) emphasis on standardized testing to the enforcement mix in response to growing demands for school accountability (so called). Thus the entitlement to learn has morphed from a right that belonged to students as individuals into a cultural imperative enjoined upon schools and teachers that students must succeed in ways that are statistically measurable.

Still, the ideal of universal education is something Americans seemed more or less in agrement about over time, until fairly recently. What has changed is that public education is now widely regarded as part of a liberal establishment that has been partially undermined by postmodern academic critiques of science and evidence based thinking, particularly rhetorical critiques such as that of Stanley Fish, and that has come to be portrayed in popular culture as effete, elitist, and self-serving by creationists, opponents of global warming such as George Will, antifeminists, opponents of gay rights, religious fundamentalists, and others. This is a vast oversimplification, but I think it’s a fair claim that a now substantial backlash against the liberal establishment of the modern era is in full swing.

This backlash is not so much conservative as it is anti-liberal. Texas Republicans, and now the citizens of Missouri, however much they may look nostalgically towards parts of our history we would do well to forget (i. e. the Texas republic and the antebellum south), are now on the march against what Justice Douglas called “the new and amazing world of diversity that we have today,” using the language of individualism and the guarantees of the first amendment, as Paul Ryan frequently does, to deny legitimacy to the fundamental impulses behind those guarantees.

Cameron’s Corner

Cameron Smith is a rising high school senior. I’ve not met him, but over the past couple of years I’ve heard a good deal about him. He’s a debater, and a good one. This summer he’s going to debate camp at Southwest Missouri State. He’s an honor student, and this summer he is also an intern with the Saint Louis League of Women Voters

While he works in the League office I will doubtless meet him, since I hang out there occasionally to watch my beloved work on the Voters’ Guide and other worthy projects. I’m a member of the League, a proud member you might say, and I have a big button to wear that reads: “LWV—Not for Women Only.” Maybe I’ll give Cameron my button when I meet him, unless he already has one. I don’t really need it any more since I am generally recognized as one of the League’s resident old farts.

I wrote about the League here in 2008; and I’m surprised to find that I haven’t written anything since. The Saint Louis League is becoming a model for other Leagues nationally. A couple of years ago my beloved and her now Co-President, Linda McDaniel, negotiated a deal with the St. Louis Post Dispatch to produce the St. Louis Voter’s Guide jointly. Since then our local League’s growth has accelerated. Always a force in the community, our St. Louis League is a primary venue for civic engagement here. As an index of that we will have run fifty plus candidate forums before the current election cycle is over.

Cameron Smith is writing a blog about his adventures working for the League this summer. You can find it here.

A couple more things

I’ve spoken over the past several posts from a perspective that still supports the ideal of education for civic engagement. What we saw at UVA was refreshing for me and gave me heart (a two-cheers kind of heart) because it seemed to display civic engagement. I was disappointed that student leaders did not support the reinstatement of President Sullivan but instead indulged in high-minded platitudes when they had a turn to speak. It may have been diffidence, as The Washington Post suggested, but I remember engaged students in the nineteen sixties. Not much of that around any more.

And speaking of resource allocation, the University of Missouri has announced an upgrade of sports facilities today that is expected to cost over $200 million. There was no debate in the board as the project was approved. Meanwhile, the university is closing the University of Missouri Press over the protests of concerned citizens, alumni, and others. According to report, “the university hopes to soon unveil a new model for the 54-year-old publishing house that will emphasize digital distribution.”

As one who has been a worker in the digital library movement, I look askance at this press closing, not because yet another source of printed books is being abandoned in favor of a digital alternative which will be said to cost less but, in all likelihood, will not cost less; or because this press has a distinguished history, if not a long one. It’s too bad. The press is part of the University of Missouri’s core mission. Universities exist to create and disseminate knowledge, not to serve as a farm system for professional sports.

Whatever possessed me to say that universities may not abandon their core mission in pursuit of institutional advancement?

—They do it all the time.