Yet once more

I’ve posted nothing here for a good many years. I had set the site to feature poetry (which you can now see under the ‘poems’ heading); and I had not posted there since December 2024. Until August of that year I worked on a collection of poems I am calling “Master of the King’s Music.” That collection remains unfinished. In late August 2024, I contracted a new strain of COVID, against which I was not vaccinated, on a trip to Texas to celebrate my brother and sister in law’s 60th wedding anniversary. I spent eight days in the hospital in Fort Worth and another couple of weeks recuperating at my brother and sister and in law’s house before limping home to St. Louis. I now require round the clock oxygen support at the rate of four lpm. We were unable to find a portable concentrator that can generate more than three lpm and had to settle for two most of the trip home; hence, the limping (we carried a couple of size K tanks with us for relief but rationed them to avoid using them up).’

COVID sapped both my desire and my ability to write. Now that both are beginning to return, I hope to write poetry again but have decided to start with blogging. Many of my posts from 2020 and 2021 seem as germane now as they did when I wrote them. I’ve left some of them on this front page as a bridge between then and now.

Go Down, Moses

Edward S. Curtis Geronimo Apache cp01002vNOTE: This post makes the third or fourth time I have published this essay. It previously contained the image of Geronimo, but since you can retrieve that image with a simple click, I’ll not embed it again. Sometime back I received a video from a Facebook friend in which a grizzled person like me runs on to the effect that if I hate America I’m a damn fool. One good thing about recent political events is that they have firmed up the battle lines for all coming elections in the foreseeable future. As I note in a recent poem, ‘we will never again sleep unstalked or with some Nazi’s gun unpointed at our shoulder.’ Whatever may be true about present day politics, this essay represents my best attempt to answer the claim I have heard all my life that I, and others who think as I do, hate America. All of us who acknowledge a debt to the past era’s triumph of liberalism now find ourselves expatriates in our own country, but before we allow ourselves to a be consigned to a permanent condition of expatriation, perhaps we might invite our accusers to sit down with us and have a drink, here at the end of the world. I particularly recommend these thoughts to my MAGA friends. [Paragraph revised 6/27/2026].

Oh boys, take me back,
I want to ride in Geronimo’s Cadillac!

These are night thoughts. Looking over the past year I see that I haven’t writen much. I could perhaps defend myself by pointing out that I was seriously ill recently. But besides being a cop-out that doesn’t account for time outside the six weeks or so of my illness and recovery. I’m now thinking the real reason for my relative silence is that I’m more and more persuaded that my country is in a sort of semi-fascist historical trough, the kind we have experienced from time to time in the past, when the worst of us as a people and the worst of our social and political potential are in charge. I’ll not dilate upon this much. The mere fact that here in Saint Louis we are waiting for the Ferguson grand jury verdict like armies on the eve of a great battle says multitudes to me, with the governor provocatively having already called up the National Guard and declared a 30-day state of emergency. I plan to do what I can to help with the sanctuary effort of my church in the event of widespread protest. I’ve already made clear what I think about the murder of Michael Brown; but until the law of the land changes there will be more Michael Browns, and their deaths will continue the procession of wrongs without remedy that our present governing classes seem not only willing but also sometimes eager to inflict upon the rest of us.

Why we tolerate this deplorable state of affairs I’m not certain. But at the end of a long and disappointing summer, I’m proposing to myself as a tentative analytic that it is less a function of our divisions as a people than a sign that we have lost heart. The liberal state in our time has become bogged down in bureaucratic confusion and thralldom to the corporate interests that have been its chief financial underwriters in recent years. It has also fallen victim to a kind of paranoia of which our globally ambitious surveillance effort is one arm and our local epidemic of publicly supported police violence is another. These two phenomena have grown vigorous while and because nobody is steering the ship of state.

And in the absence of governance we have experienced the growth of a spate of power centers, industries if you will, that have developed huge economic appetites and require steady streams of human fuel while producing equally steady streams of human waste. Witness the growth of higher education which now discharges the majority of its clients with burdens of debt that will consign them to the human waste pile from the beginning of their post-college lives (I don’t say their careers because most of these students will not have careers in the way that their parents had them). Or witness the growth of the prison industrial complex, our chief contemporary human landfill.

I think the real significance of the economic crash of 2008 may turn out to be that it was the end of our culture’s ability to meet citizen demand for the means to the good life, or the introduction of permanent scarcity and its accompanying social consequences. We mounted no serious effort to overcome or mitigate the consequences of the 2008 crisis as we did in the 1930s during the great depression. We now experience the same social ills that afflicted us during that terrible period, but we have made no corresponding efforts to cure them. In the absence of governance our chief response to the deplorable state of our republic is helplessness. We have become expert at turning away from cruelty. Some of us wring our hands and cast about for partial and/or inadequate remedies for the suffering we see around us, and others (many of them turning handsome profits from the misery of their fellow creatures) smile, talk about trickle-down economics, and support laws against feeding the homeless.

Several times now I’ve said that I want to write something about why I love my country, but I’ve almost come to the conclusion that one cannot love a country such as ours. One experiences one’s country through its history and one’s small participation in it. That is sometimes very difficult to love. An honest modern person will acknowledge the fear and disgust that political engagement sometimes generates. A more serious person may suspect that patriotism is grounded in a need to escape from that fear and disgust, as Leguin’s Genly Ai puts it, or in the terror of history, to steal from Eliade. More to the point, perhaps, my desire to express love of my country may be a desire of the boy I once was, and still am deep down somewhere. That boy would have written a peroration that quoted Walt Whitman and Robert Frost—God love him. He could love his country for what he thought it might become and bracket his knowledge of the occupied place his country actually was.

But when my now near octogenarian mind plays over remembered experiences in which I have felt the most intense pleadings of love I naively associated with my country, I find that these are grounded in particular historical moments and in awareness of being, or having been, imbedded in the complex ecologies of particular places. I have a great love for the plains of West Texas where I did most of my growing up; for the high deserts of northern New Mexico where I was born. I went to school in these places and was loved and fostered by teachers who knew of my father’s death in the war, as I became that boy who loved Frost and Whitman but perhaps lacked some toughness they may have had. For in those environs more than the deer and the antelope played: Geronimo, Cochise, Kit Carson, Charles Goodnight, Sul Ross, William Bonney, Cynthia Ann and Quanah Parker, Lew Wallace, Padre Martinez and Bishop Lamy, my own mother and father, and many another had their day, came and went, loved and hated and sometimes killed one another and one another’s kin.

I love and will always love the memory of the serendipitous regions of North Carolina where I lived for fifteen years. There the speech of the people lounges on a great porch crowded with wisteria, its branches sometimes thicker than my arm. There music rises up out of the pine barrens and tobacco fields like the flash of a bug zapper in the night. There Moses still shouts, “Let my people go!” And I now have arrived with a new love in my heart on the banks of this continent’s great river, for the old brick and mortar city where I now reside, named for a not-so-good French king, where great barges push their cargoes up and down river and the progeny of immigrants past and present from Somalia to Bosnia to Italy and Poland to the Sudan to Thailand and Vietnam to Mississippi and Alabama (and Texas) contend for space amongst gangways, bluffs, and caves, where the great silent water flows by in the night, laden now with ice floes to which morning may bring eagles searching for fish.

For many years I sought to love my country thinking the betrayals I experienced, that all lovers of justice have experienced in the past sixty plus years, were aberrations that would in the long run be put right. But guess what, those betrayals are the norm. For all the high-sounding stuff in our founding documents and hymns to our exceptionalism, we Americans are just like everybody else. We rob and rape and steal and kill and cheat our friends, and we hope to get away with it, just as we think we have escaped our country’s genocidal past. Indeed we have become skilled at creating complex abstract denials of that past that proclaim our righteousness in getting away with it (at this moment in our history we are doing a lot of that). For a while I thought I couldn’t love my country because Country (capital C) is another abstraction, but that’s only partly true. I can love abstractions all the way from the third law of thermodynamics to the music of Bach. But there are abstractions and abstractions, depending on the way the knife cuts. Maybe I can love my country’s history but not the hypocrisy of it, just as I love my friends and my kin and their places and mine and the memories they generated, but reject much of our foolishness, like the blackface act that friends and I once performed on my high-school stage. Or maybe I both love and need the hypocrisy too. Or maybe love and despising aren’t that far apart. Clearly I both love and despise memories I, myself, have generated; and perhaps that’s part of it too.

I mention Eliade above. Eliade’s distinction between linear and cyclic time rests on the difference between the historical and the cosmic. One’s engagement in the life of one’s country plunges one into history, into the political, into the constant ebb and flow and strife of events, essentially meaningless in itself, but perhaps touched by love. If in the final analysis, love of one’s country is grounded in the concreteness of places and people and events rather than in their ideological trappings, then one can also love people with whom one disagrees and is sometimes angry, perhaps even people whose ideas one despises, as one loves oneself. These possess materiality. They have existential force and stand out from the stream of experience. There is no taint in loving them. They are real and whole, and one’s love is a response to their reality and wholeness. Love urges us to find meaning in things and sometimes cures anger and the other historical passions. This is what Faulkner meant when he described Old Ben, the bear, as taintless and incorruptible. It requires a cosmic perspective too, to care about land, to struggle against the ruination of land and people and animals. Enmeshed in history there is only the struggle that is today. It is from a cosmic perspective that beauty and the possibility of a deeper love emerge, even love for the terrible darkness of the worst we do, and that is as it must be. There is no place else for us to go.

I have seen these ways of God: I know of no reason
For fire and change and torture and the old returnings.
He being sufficient might be still. I think they admit no reason; they are the ways of my love.
Unmeasured power, incredible passion, enormous craft: no thought apparent but burns darkly
Smothered with its own smoke in the human brain-vault: . . .

If one can love speech and voices and music, abstracted from their agents or not, perhaps one can also love history that one deplores. Geronimo lies buried at Fort Sill. He, and the folk he killed, and the folk who made him a prisoner and a caricature in his own place, are all long dead. In his grave and in the memories he generated, Geronimo is timeless. If there is a saving grace in humanity, if there is any real human hope, it is not in prophetic politics as Whitman would have had it. It is in place, in land and water, in the topsoil that Wendell Berry reveres, in song, in the twang of the banjo and the yelp of the coyote, and in the names of things and people, in our clumsy and beautiful bodies, in the gristle and boniness of us, and in our stubborn persistence. Finally perhaps, it is in the peace that may come to us as we contemplate these things at the end of a long day when greed and the other savage hungers have receded. At such times without sleep as new snow stirs the darkness outside one’s window one can, almost surprisingly, find oneself native to the places one has lived, to one’s times and ways and kinships. In and amongst these things we live and move and have our being. And in and amongst them too, we lie down at last.

My Memorial Day

Last October I wrote about a photo of my father and his immediate family that was taken at the Long homestead in Las Cruces, New Mexico around 1930. That photo came my way at about the time I was reading Gwynne’s Empire of the Summer Moon, a reflection on the closing of the Indian wars in the southwest, the part of the southwest where I grew up and thought of those bitter conflicts as part of an ancient past. But it wasn’t ancient, isn’t ancient today.

A family history research project led me to a greater sense of connection with and proximity to the southwestern frontier than I had ever experienced before. I had visited the graves of Quanah Parker and Geronimo at Ft. Sill as a youngster, but I didn’t know then and have only recently understood that those graves are about eighty miles as the crow flies from Sayre, Oklahoma where my father was born at his family’s first homestead. That proximity and connection does not incline us to place wreaths on Indian graves at Ft. Sill. But perhaps it should.

When I first started this blog, I wrote about my father, who died in World War II. I’ve always liked this picture of him, taken at Ft. Bliss during training exercises before he and his comrades in the New Mexico Militia were sent to the Philippines as the United States 200th Coast Artillery in August 1941. He was a physician and a volunteer—at the time his unit was federalized physicians couldn’t be drafted—though he didn’t want to go overseas and hoped for a long time that the unit would be reprieved. I’ve always thought service in the National Guard was part of a payback for help with medical school—my father graduated from medical school in 1932—though I’ve never confirmed my suspicion. We saw him off with his unit on the train at El Paso a couple of days after my birthday that summer of 1941. He told me to take care of my mother. Here’s a bit more of what I wrote back then, paraphrased a little.

“More recently, I’ve read many of his letters to my mother. They describe his westward journey, first by train and then by ship, to the east, his arrival, much experience in the first heady weeks of his encounter with the MacArthur establishment. He didn’t like MacArthur, but I think he loved the old brown shoe army and relished being even a very lowly Captain, as he puts it in one letter, in that foreign outpost which must have had a certain old fashioned clubbiness and esprit. Then, of course, things turned sour. The letters are fewer from mid October on, and stop altogether in late November. One letter arrived after Pearl Harbor, written from a tent on Bataan in February, 1942. He died in 1944, somewhere in the South Pacific on an unmarked prisoner ship that was torpedoed by the U. S. Navy. The story of the sinking made the papers back home, with tales of escaping prisoners being beaten to death by Japanese marines. Of course that wasn’t anywhere near the whole horror of it.

“I learned more about the Japanese death ships when I read Dorothy Cave’s Beyond Courage a few years back. Apparently the Japanese used prisoner ships, marked with a red cross, to ship munitions, but there seems also to have been an intention to exterminate prisoners by transporting them on unmarked ships. Cave’s book also confirmed my impression from family and other history that my father and his comrades had been abandoned by their government when it was decided that the war in Europe took precedence over the far east. I learned too that my mother had been a member of an advocacy group during the war, that attempted to pressure congress and the president to rescue the folk in the Philippines. I found a collection of newsletters among her effects after her death. I also found a check for $100 that my father wrote to someone with a Filipino name. It was presented to my mother for payment after the war. The letter that accompanied it explained that my father had written it for black market medical supplies that he managed to smuggle into the prison at Camp O’Donnell.

“After his death was confirmed, they promoted him to Major and gave him some medals. One was a Bronze Star, the highest military decoration awarded to noncombatants. He also received a Presidential Citation, signed by Franklin Roosevelt, which my mother always cherished. I didn’t know much of this as a child. I thought my father’s Purple Heart more important than the Bronze Star, bigger and more imposing. And for a long time I refused to believe he was dead. I fantasized that he would come around the corner of my school one day and grab me up in his arms.” There’s an error in the Bronze Star citation. It dates my father’s internment from April 1941 and should read April 1942.

My father’s regiment was sent to the Philippines because its personnel spoke Spanish. It was a multicultural unit that included native Americans as well as hispanics and anglos like my father. It had been a horse cavalry unit only recently. I remember a closet full of my father’s cavalry uniforms and riding boots. It’s a nice irony that less than fifty years after the close of the Indian and range wars, and in a place where both had been pretty fierce, there was a military regiment that included soldiers whose recent ancestors had likely fought each other over territorial and other claims, some of them genocidal, now a unit engaged in a common struggle far from home and united in part by a common language that wasn’t English.

another season’s promise . . .

feelin’ fine for now goin’ down the road

Since the inauguration I’ve been alternating between a combination of elation and relief and a now familiar anger as the Republican rump continues to assert itself. But first elation and relief and a few observations about current trends in popular culture.

The Tik-tok sea shanty craze has made popular culture icons of old songs like “Leave Her Johnny” and “The Wellerman.” It has also reminded me of the late Stan Rogers, who liked to sing sea shanties and wrote a few of his own. Rogers’ untimely death in 1983 was a loss to Canadians and the to the rest of us as well. A consummate talent, he lost his life in a horrific fire aboard an airplane as he returned to Canada from the 1983 Kerrville Folk festival. Here he is, performing a song by Mary McCaslin, in a live concert recorded just five days before he died.

“Feelin’ fine for now” sums up my present mood, and I love things about this performance a lot, especially when Rogers urges his audience to sing “like an organ.” But my personal favorite Rogers song is “The Field Behind the Plow,” whose theme I have stolen for my title. I want to claim that if there is hope for another season’s promise in our present day politics, that hope may have more than a little to do with American popular culture and yes, with the bashable villains of social media, which make it possible for ordinary folk to combine disparate elements in novel ways, something the pedant in me can’t help but point out was Samuel Johnson’s definition of ‘the metaphysical’ in poetry. There’s already a Bernie meme, for instance, that features the grizzled and be-mittened Senator singing “The Wellerman” along with a crowd of other Bernies.

I am thinking now of Amanda Gorman’s fine inaugural poem, “The Hill We Climb” with its affinities with slam poetry and Hip-Hop and its evocation of a perpetual and normatively unfinished America. I like that idea and wrote about it in my last post. As Timothy Egan speculates in a recent New York Times piece, it may be possible for Biden to govern in poetry. As Egan puts it, “Why not reverse the political aphorism, and govern in poetry after campaigning in prose?” American popular culture was on full display throughout the inauguration, especially the poetry of popular song; though not without some detractors. Lots of folks noticed Lady Gaga’s switching from 3/4 to 4/4 time as she belted out the National Anthem. I personally thought her performance struck a fine balance between rendering the anthem as a pop piece (what we have become accustomed to at sports events, for instance) and the more traditional rendering we might have expected from a classical singer. And I liked the switch to 4/4 because I took it to be one of several rhetorical devices that gave emphasis to text in what has become for most Americans a forgettable national anthem (parts of which need to be forgotten). And while Amanda Gorman has received well-nigh universal acclaim for her poetry, there are some who have derided her as inauthentic. Here’s an example, for which I have to thank my friend Moumin Quazi who collected it on Facebook. In “The Hill We Climb,” as elsewhere, Amanda Gorman speaks out of various traditions of popular poetry and oratory. One suspects that is part of what this writer finds amiss about her. But the country loved her, as did I, and it was her poem that started the thoughts I am exploring here.

As I say, American popular culture was on powerful display during the Biden inauguration festivities. “What about Yo-Yo Ma?” I can hear someone ask. But Ma is a popular culture icon equivalent to Bruce Springsteen. He is a Rock Star in an age that blurs distinctions between genres. That blurring is the life of American popular culture, however much it may trouble folk who find it inauthentic. In the remarkable display of popular culture featured in last week’s inauguration, the Biden administration stands in sharp contrast to its predecessor, whose central figure didn’t like to be upstaged. But it will take more than blurring to overcome Republican determination to prevent Democrats from governing. The Biden team might consider harnessing the power of popular culture both to promote policies clearly desired by the great majority of Americans, especially policies that pertain to desperately needed efforts to combat the covid pandemic, and also to shame Republicans who need to be held accountable for the growing covid death spiral and the countless other anti-humane policies of the previous administration. Republicans are presently behaving in predictable fashion as though only they have a right to govern: all the way from the Texas lawsuit over immigration and voter suppression measures being proposed in many states to Mitch McConnel’s cynical effort to preserve the filibuster in the Senate. The time has come for Democrats to fight back, and a popular culture campaign may be just what circumstances call for in today’s political climate. The Tik-tok sea shanty phenomenon is a recent development in the history of what Howard Rheingold calls Smart Mobs. I’m wondering what applications of the same might be explored by media savvy Democrats who gave us a memorable virtual convention this past summer. I am thinking here of the ways in which popular culture has been harnessed against tobacco use, for instance.

Back to poetry–Biden’s love of modern Irish poetry is well known. We are told that he recited poems by W. B. Yeats in front of a mirror as part of his youthful effort to overcome stuttering. And his use of a fragment of Heaney’s play, The Cure at Troy, which he has quoted in a number of contexts over the years to advocate for a circumstance in which “hope and history rhyme,” draws on an already iconic item of popular culture and amplifies it. In a recent piece in the Washington Post, Teo Armus points out that “By 2000, [Darach] Ó Séaghdha noted, the line had become famous enough in pop culture that the Irish rock band U2 alluded to it in a song.” “Hope and history don’t rhyme” in the U2 song “Peace on Earth,” but Heaney’s poem had already anticipated the event would take a miracle.

So hope for a great sea-change
On the far side of revenge.
Believe that further shore
Is reachable from here.
Believe in miracle
And cures and healing wells.

As I write, Republicans are accusing Democrats of vengefulness in calling for the impeachment of the former president for his role in planning and inciting the January sixth attack on the capitol. And as Biden has proceeded with his ambitious program of executive actions undoing some of the egregious effects of Trumpism, Republicans are seeking political cover in familiar tropes of movement conservatism as though it were still possible without irony to deny the pandemic and plead impecuniousness in the wake of their party’s record of deficit exploding tax cuts. While major parts of the Biden covid relief program can clear the Senate through budget reconciliation, most of the president’s ambitious legislative program cannot. Faced with that fact I see no alternative to abolishing the filibuster. Recalcitrant Democrats need to be brought in line. Lyndon Johnson could have done it; we’ll see whether Chuck Schumer is up to the task.

For the rest, I think it undeniable that the last four years represented a triumph of American Fascism, a thing that has been part of our politics since long before we could call it Fascism. Recent history presents us with two models for dealing with the remnants of that Fascism; The Nuremberg Trials and the South African Truth and Reconciliation commission. Current law enforcement efforts have been directed solely at the foot soldiers who did the bidding of the former president and those of his followers in government who played a role in the the January sixth attack on our capitol. Because of the extent to which Fascism remains embedded in our politics, in states like my own state of Missouri, in Texas, in the Republican Party and elsewhere, I doubt whether the South African model is applicable to our present situation. In fact, I am convinced that we require an American version of the Nuremberg Trials if we wish to recover as a society from the last four years. Conviction of the former president in the coming impeachment trial and barring him from holding public office again is only a beginning, it seems to me. It will need to be a priority of the incoming Merrick Garland administration of the Justice Department to do the rest.